Monty Fritts

Fritts' legislative record is fascinating for an education-focused audience. He is the only Republican gubernatorial candidate who voted against school vouchers — a position that puts him closer to the Democratic candidates and to Tennessee's public school establishment than to his own party's leadership. His constitutional argument (Article XI, Section 12 requires funding public schools, not private ones) is one that voucher opponents across both parties have adopted.

However, his record also includes voting to arm teachers weeks after the Covenant School shooting and voting against IVF and contraception rights — positions that will energize his base but alienate moderates. The "chemtrail" bill made national news for the wrong reasons, and his sole vote against continuing the Department of Education raises questions about whether his anti-government philosophy has practical limits.

The financial math makes Fritts' candidacy essentially symbolic — and he seems to know it. At $11,000 versus the $5M+ war chests of Blackburn and Rose, Fritts cannot afford statewide TV advertising, a professional campaign staff, or even basic statewide mail. His campaign is running on earned media, social media, and event appearances.

That said, Fritts' presence in the primary isn't meaningless. Blackburn's allies have publicly said his candidacy helps her by splitting the anti-establishment conservative vote that might otherwise go to Rose. If Fritts pulls even 5-10% of the primary electorate in rural East Tennessee, that could matter in a tight Blackburn-Rose race.

His no-PAC pledge is a genuine differentiator. Both Blackburn and Rose have significant PAC backing — Blackburn from Club for Growth and Americans for Prosperity, Rose from agricultural and business interests. For the slice of Republican voters who view all establishment money as corrupt, Fritts is the only option.

Fritts presents a genuine puzzle for education voters. He is, by far, the most anti-voucher Republican in the race — and his constitutional argument against public funding of private schools is substantive and well-articulated. His vote against vouchers alongside 20+ House Republicans reflects real rural conservative anxiety about a program that primarily benefits families in urban/suburban areas with private school access.

But his education philosophy is defined almost entirely by what he opposes. He's against vouchers, skeptical of the Department of Education, and wants to deny public school access to undocumented children. What he hasn't articulated is what he'd do to actually improve public schools — no teacher pay plan, no TCAP reform proposal, no funding formula changes, no career-and-technical education vision.

For Tennessee families, the Fritts education platform is a mirror of the broader anti-establishment conservative tension: it correctly identifies problems (voucher costs, bureaucratic overreach, budget growth) but offers faith and constitutional principles rather than a governing blueprint. Public school advocates will appreciate his voucher opposition; they'll find little else to work with.

The January 2026 comments calling for execution of parents and doctors of trans children represent an extraordinary escalation — even by the standards of Tennessee's conservative politics. These are not policy positions that any other Republican gubernatorial candidate has endorsed, and they generated national coverage that overwhelmed any substantive discussion of Fritts' fiscal or education platform.

For education-focused readers, the pattern matters: Fritts' trans healthcare comments, combined with his anti-abortion extremism and vote to arm teachers after Covenant, paint a picture of a candidate whose social positions may alienate the very moderate and rural Republican voters who might otherwise be receptive to his anti-voucher, anti-spending message. The "chemtrail" bill, while less inflammatory, contributed to a public perception that Fritts operates on the fringes — making it harder for his legitimate fiscal concerns to get a serious hearing.

Compare this endorsement list to Blackburn's roster (Club for Growth, Glenn Jacobs, Tim Burchett, 20+ state legislators, AFP mobilizing 200,000 door knocks) or Rose's strategic alignment with the Lee administration orbit. Fritts has a handful of like-minded state legislators and a conservative advocacy group founder. That's it.

Notably absent: any endorsement from Donald Trump, who is the most powerful force in Tennessee Republican politics. Fritts' anti-establishment messaging borrows Trump's populist language, but Trump has not signaled any interest in the race, and Blackburn's close relationship with the former president makes a Fritts endorsement extremely unlikely. Without Trump or a major organizational backer, Fritts' ceiling in the primary is likely in the low single digits statewide.